If Pakistan stops providing the Afghan Taliban and other radical Islamists with safe havens, a stable Afghanistan is possible. Otherwise, Afghan prospects are grim and America’s Afghan war is destined to fail.
If you want to understand why, read the newest book by the world’s foremost expert on the Taliban, the Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid, “Pakistan on the Brink: The Future of America, Pakistan and Afghanistan.”
Rashid’s book is especially important as the United States and Pakistan seek to repair a tortured relationship that nearly ruptured when a U.S. air strike accidentally killed 24 soldiers in November. Recently, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Gen. Martin Dempsey, said he hoped a meeting between top U.S. and Pakistani generals would help “reset the relationship.”
It’s hard to see how.
As Rashid details, the U.S.-Pakistani relationship has long been strained, in large part because of the dishonesty that underlies it. Pakistan blames flawed U.S. policies, which, officials say, have made a mess in Afghanistan that affects their country.
But it is Pakistan’s policy of backing radical Islamists that undercuts any chance of an Afghan peace settlement, and threatens to restart a civil war.
The Pakistani military has provided sanctuary to Afghan Taliban factions and their leaders since 2001, Rashid writes, because it regards the Taliban as a hedge in its conflict with India.
Double-dealing has been Pakistan’s modus operandi: Former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf armed and trained Afghan Taliban to relaunch an insurgency in Afghanistan in the mid-2000s – even as he helped the CIA hunt down some al-Qaida leaders.
This policy of deception finally blew up when Navy SEALs killed Osama bin Laden in the Pakistani garrison town of Abbottabad. It is inconceivable that the ISI, Pakistan’s intelligence agency, was wholly unaware of his presence; this alone explains why the U.S. military didn’t trust Pakistan enough to inform its officials of the raid.
Yet Pakistan has never apologized to the United States for harboring bin Laden. Instead, the Pakistani army and ISI deflected attention by focusing on the U.S. breach of Pakistani sovereignty.
It is this ongoing dishonesty that makes it hard to see how Pakistan’s relationship with America can be reset.
Which brings us back to the question of whether the United States can engineer a successful outcome in Afghanistan and the surrounding region. Rashid believes three elements are necessary: first, a carefully considered Western withdrawal from Afghanistan; second, a political settlement with the Taliban; and third, Pakistan’s willingness to rein in Islamic extremism.
On the first point, Rashid rightly contends that U.S. officials have failed to lay out a clear strategic vision for the region after they pull out most troops by 2014.
But on points two and three – which are heavily dependent on Pakistani action – he is equally grim.
So long as the ISI dreams of controlling Afghanistan via its militant Taliban proxies, he sees little chance that peace negotiations can move forward.
Nor does Rashid believe that Pakistan’s generals understand they must change a strategy that is outdated.
Unless the generals update their thinking, there’s not much hope for better U.S.-Pakistani relations – or for peace in Afghanistan.
Trudy Rubin is a columnist and editorial-board member for the Philadelphia Inquirer. Readers may email her at firstname.lastname@example.org.